By Daudu Agaba Andrew Samuel
As insecurity continues to stretch Nigeria’s formal security forces, community self-defense groups are filling a widening protection gap across several states. From vigilantes in the South-West to local militias in parts of the North-Central and North-West, these groups are increasingly becoming the first line of defense against banditry, kidnapping and communal violence. While many communities credit them with restoring a measure of safety, their growing influence also raises troubling questions about accountability, legality and long-term national security.
The rise of these groups reflects deep public frustration with the state’s inability to guarantee basic security. In rural areas and poorly policed urban settlements, residents often wait hours or days for security forces to respond to distress calls. In that vacuum, locally organised vigilante units have emerged to patrol neighbourhoods, gather intelligence and confront criminals directly. In some communities, their presence has reportedly reduced petty crime and deterred kidnappers.
State governments have increasingly embraced these initiatives, either formally or informally. In the South-West, was established in 2020 by six state governments to complement federal security agencies in tackling kidnapping and violent crime. Supporters argue that its familiarity with local terrain and languages has strengthened intelligence gathering and rapid response in rural communities.
In the North-East, the (CJTF) emerged at the height of the insurgency by as a community-based support force for the military. CJTF members assisted in identifying insurgents and securing neighbourhoods, contributing to the recovery of territory in parts of Borno State. Over time, some units have been absorbed into formal security structures or placed on stipends by state governments.
Hisbah groups, operating mainly in Kano, Zamfara and other northern states, represent another model of community enforcement. The corps, established to support moral regulation and social order in states operating Sharia law, have engaged in traffic control, dispute mediation and crime prevention. However, their operations have also generated legal and constitutional debates, particularly when their activities intersect with federal law enforcement responsibilities.
In North-Central states such as Benue, community vigilantes have formed in response to repeated attacks on farming communities. Local leaders say these groups provide early warnings and escort farmers to their fields. Similar formations have appeared in Zamfara, where residents organise patrols to defend villages against bandit raids.
Despite their perceived effectiveness, the expansion of community self-defense groups presents serious risks. Many operate without clear legal frameworks, defined command structures or standardized training. This lack of regulation increases the likelihood of abuses. Allegations of extrajudicial killings, torture and extortion by vigilante members have surfaced in several states, undermining the rule of law and eroding public trust.
Ethnic and communal tensions further complicate the landscape. In multi-ethnic regions, locally rooted militias are often viewed with suspicion by minority groups, who fear they may act as instruments of ethnic dominance rather than neutral protectors. In some instances, vigilante units have been accused of profiling or targeting outsiders, aggravating inter-communal tensions and fueling cycles of retaliation.
There is also the long-term danger of militarisation. Once armed and organised, community groups rarely disband easily. Without firm oversight, they risk evolving into criminal gangs or political enforcers. Nigeria’s history offers cautionary lessons, including militant movements in the Niger Delta and political thugs mobilised during elections and later abandoned.
Supporters, however, argue that inaction poses the greater threat. With police-to-citizen ratios far below international standards and military deployments overstretched, many communities insist they have little choice but to protect themselves. From this standpoint, vigilantes are not a threat to the state but a symptom of state weakness.
The Federal Government has yet to articulate a comprehensive national framework governing community policing and vigilante groups. While official rhetoric supports community policing, implementation has remained slow and fragmented, complicated by jurisdictional tensions between federal and state authorities.
Ultimately, the central issue is not whether community self-defense groups should exist, but under what conditions. Without clear regulation, structured training, defined accountability mechanisms and coordinated oversight, Nigeria risks substituting one security crisis for another. Formal integration into a regulated community policing architecture, alongside strict monitoring and disarmament protocols, could help harness their local knowledge while limiting potential abuses.
Until such measures are in place, community self-defense groups will remain both a lifeline and a liability — offering immediate protection for vulnerable communities while posing long-term challenges to Nigeria’s fragile security framework.
Daudu Agaba Andrew Samuel is a graduate of International Relations from Covenant University and a serving Corps Member with the Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution (IPCR), Abuja.
