Opinion
CPC at 105: Implications for Governance and Experience Sharing in Nigeria-China Relations
BY CHARLES ONUNAIJU
The most potent political force in any society to articulate a vision, promote a change, consolidate stability and advance progress is the political party, and how it is organized, nurtured and governed determines to a large extent, how efficiently and competently the larger affairs of the society is handled. A political party is not an automated machine whose structure is fixed and fitted for all the times of its expected life span, but rather a living organism taken from its point of historical departure and evolves with adaptations to changing times and circumstances, without losing focus on the original aim and ultimate goal of the happiness and better life for the people, for which it was founded and set out to serve. The life of a political party is tempestuous and arduous and therefore the structure that delivers its goals and the philosophy that guides its trajectories must be rigorously governed and vigorously innovated and nourished, otherwise it will relapse to complacency and consequently atrophies.
The political party is not formality. It is a living experience and a social bank of historical memory that serves the ultimate purpose of social renewals, most exemplified in its governance capacity that positions and repositions as the case may arise in the delivery of quality improvements in the living standards of the people. In a huge tome of over 500 pages, professor Tony Saich of the Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation at the Harvard Kennedy school in his “From rebel to ruler; one hundred years of the Chinese Communist Party” (CPC), wrote in his opening salvo; “there is no other political party quite like the, Communist Party of China (CPC). The party’s longevity, size, endurance and ability to overcome seemingly impossible odds make it a very distinct political organization”.
However, as ‘distinct’ as the CPC may be, its experiences as it oversees and produces some of the century’s outstanding epic and pivotal outcomes like the end of poverty among its 1.4 billion people, unparalleled production capacity, phenomenal and sustainable economic rise while at the same time delivering the world’s largest public goods are vital results and lessons that are of significant interests beyond China and to the world at large. The CPC is a party of outstanding historical context but does not treat history as a mere rehash of the past but a crucial maker and driver of the social pendulums, seeking its opportunities, minimizing the ever ubiquitous risks and overcoming challenges in order to advance progress measured in substantive improvement in the quality of lives of the people. At a hundred and five years, why is the CPC very vigorous and futuristic as much as it is the powerhouse of historical memory. Thirteen years since the 18th National Congress of the party in 2012, it has dedicated itself to full rigorous and strict internal governance, and moved forward with its endeavors to improve party conduct and build clean government.
From the time of 18th National Congress of the CPC, according to its resolution, “some malfeasances that had not been checked for many years have been curbed; intractable problems of long standing have been resolved, while serious hidden dangers within the party, the state and the armed forces have been removed. Lax and weak governance in the party has been fundamentally reversed”. The outlook of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and its capability has significantly brightened and improved and the essential tonic for staying vigorous is self-reform and strict governance of itself. According to the general secretary of the party, who is also the president of the country, Xi Jinping, “self-reform is like the party giving itself supplements to strengthen its bones. It is like performing painful surgery to remove a maimed limb, or eliminating viruses and bacteria that erode your immunity. The aim is to boost the party’s health, to achieve self-renewal and prevent its collapse”. A party of CPC achievements profile could easily relapse to complacency or become self-indulgent and even detached not only from the people but also from reality. The prospects of these negative tendencies to infect the party loomed prior to the 18th National Congress, but the decision and determination for strict party governance reversed the trend and re-established the party political integrity and theoretical competence to grasp the trends of the times and raise its bar on governance competence.
The establishment of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese characteristics for the new era”, a theoretical framework that rejuvenated the party and clarified its vision for the new era further consolidated the party’s strict governance outlook, providing it with greater and surer handle on governance. Because it reformed itself and in its fine tradition established theoretical guide to maintain its vitality and ensure its resourcefulness, the party not only provided governance outcomes to the Chinese people with stable, steady and inclusive growth trajectory but assumes major international responsibility of providing public goods that have ramifications for every people and country on earth. As a party with internationalist outlook, the CPC has offered incisive initiatives to address critical deficits in international governance, development and security.
It has scientifically established pathways to mankind’s aspirations to an inclusive shared future and made enormous practical contributions with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the project of the century”, which has been up and running, since 2013. The uniqueness of the Communist Party of China (CPC) does not preclude incisive and consequential lessons, which its experience provides. In recent times, one of Africa’s oldest parties, the South Africa’s African National Congress (ANC) has been going through numerous challenges both in its internal governance, leading to breakaway factions who have established their own political parties, and crises of state governance, resulting in the growing incidence of xenophobic violence. The Communist Party of China has demonstrated that a party with a long history of liberation and revolutionary struggles cannot exclusively rely on such credential as consequential as it maybe, but must develop competence and efficiency through internal renewals and strict governance of itself.
Nigeria, which have been struggling to establish a viable party system since 1999, after the country returned to civil rule can do a lot more in evolving coherent party structure through organizational discipline, an attribute exemplified by the Communist party of China than any other party in the world. Despite its more than 100 million memberships, the CPC is adept at organization and discipline and this account to large extent of its vitality, despite been around for the past one hundred and five years.
Therefore, for a viable party system whether in a multi-party competitive political process as in Nigeria and other African countries or the Multi- party consultative and inclusive process of the China, discipline and party organization must be top notch with a considerable dose of internal democracy. The important lesson of the Communist Party of China is that, the party must not seek privilege and entitlement for itself nor allow for the development of special interest within its ranks. These are clear recipes for internal weakness and decay. Political parties in Nigeria and Africa need not become communist parties, but the attributes of discipline, strict party governance and self-reform are vital tools to enhance capability, competence and efficiency. The inclusive political process of the China’s multi-party consultative and cooperative framework in which the Communist Party of China in consultation and cooperation with other democratic political parties engages very closely to forge national consensus and enhance stability is uniquely Chinese but is very instructive for Africa, where the challenges of development and improving people’s well-being demand even greater unity and broader consultations among the political and social forces.
A consultative framework is not antithetical to multi-party competitive politics, rather it reinforces the social imperative of competition to enhance and consolidate consensus. Nigeria and Africa in general are at an inflection point, with strategic advantages and opportunities, the type that existed for China in the late 1970s and 80s, and the Communist Party reinvented and adapted itself and engaged those prospects, resulting in the phenomenal rise of China.
The question to which many political parties in Nigeria and rest of Africa should respond; is how ready they are to engage the opportunities of the new era. The CPC experience provides the templates but the strategies and answers must be uniquely Nigerian and African with the characteristics of her respective individual countries.
Onunaiju is the author of “A hundred years of the Communist Party of China and why Africa should engage her experience” and the director, Center for China Studies in A Abuja, Nigeria.
Opinion
NAHCON’s New Hajj Guidelines Signal Shift Towards Tighter Regulation
By Ibrahim Muhammad
The introduction of new licensing and operational guidelines by the National Hajj Commission of Nigeria (NAHCON) signals a broader push to strengthen regulation of private Hajj and Umrah operators and improve accountability, service delivery and consumer protection.
The reforms come amid similar regulatory efforts in countries including Pakistan and Indonesia, where authorities have introduced stricter licensing, financial controls and operational requirements for private pilgrimage operators.
The guidelines are expected to address concerns over service standards, financial transparency and the activities of unlicensed operators in Nigeria’s Hajj and Umrah industry. In Pakistan, recent reforms require private Hajj operators to meet financial and corporate governance standards, undergo performance reviews and operate through a central digital platform for pilgrim registration, payments and quota management.
The framework also requires operators to meet minimum operational thresholds and comply with service agreements covering areas such as accommodation, transportation, medical support, refunds and consumer protection. Indonesia, meanwhile, requires private Hajj operators to obtain regulatory approval for proposed package costs and meet government standards on pricing and service delivery.
These developments point to a wider shift towards digital accountability, financial transparency and stronger oversight of private pilgrimage services. As NAHCON implements its new framework, stakeholders will be watching to see whether it improves service delivery, curbs unlicensed operations, promotes fair competition and creates a more sustainable environment for legitimate Hajj and Umrah operators.
Ibrahim Muhammad is the National Coordinator of Independence Hajj Reporters (IHR).
Part Two will examine the reforms and their implications for Nigeria’s private Hajj and Umrah industry.
Opinion
Insecurity and 2027: Can Nigerians Vote Safely?
By Shemudara Blessing Morayo
As Nigeria prepares for the 2027 general elections, concerns about insecurity have become central to discussions about democratic governance. Elections provide citizens with the opportunity to choose their leaders through a free, fair and credible process. However, the ability of Nigerians to exercise this constitutional right depends largely on whether voters, electoral officials and security personnel can participate without fear of violence or intimidation.
Nigeria’s security challenges have become increasingly complex over the past decade. The country continues to face insurgency in the North-East, banditry and kidnapping in the North-West, farmer-herder conflicts in parts of the North-Central, separatist agitations and attacks on public institutions in the South-East, as well as piracy, militancy and other criminal activities in the Niger Delta. Rising urban crime also poses challenges in several major cities.These overlapping threats have displaced communities, disrupted livelihoods and strained the capacity of security agencies. In some areas, insecurity has also affected education, healthcare and civic participation, raising concerns about the organisation of peaceful elections.
Electoral violence has historically been a recurring feature of Nigeria’s democratic experience. Since the return to civilian rule in 1999, some elections have been marred by voter intimidation, destruction of electoral materials, attacks on polling units and clashes between political supporters.
Although reforms by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), including the use of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results, have strengthened aspects of the electoral process, technology alone cannot guarantee peaceful elections. Security remains fundamental to electoral credibility.One major concern ahead of 2027 is voter turnout. Citizens in conflict-affected communities may be reluctant to visit polling centres because of fears of attacks, kidnapping or violent confrontations. Internally displaced persons (IDPs) have also faced difficulties exercising their voting rights after being forced from their communities.
If insecurity persists, significant numbers of eligible voters could be unable or unwilling to participate, potentially affecting the inclusiveness and legitimacy of electoral outcomes. Democracy depends on broad participation, and any situation that discourages citizens from voting poses a threat to democratic consolidation.
The safety of electoral officials is another critical concern. Election administrators, ad hoc staff and logistics personnel are responsible for transporting sensitive materials and conducting elections across thousands of polling units. Insecurity can make these activities particularly difficult in remote and conflict-prone areas.
Delays, cancellations or suspension of voting in affected communities could increase political tensions and fuel allegations of voter suppression or electoral manipulation. This makes effective security planning essential. Political actors must also play their part. The use of armed groups, political thugs and criminal networks during election periods has historically contributed to violence. Hate speech, misinformation and inflammatory rhetoric can further deepen political divisions.
As political campaigns for the 2027 elections intensify, political parties and candidates must adhere to electoral laws, respect democratic norms and discourage their supporters from engaging in violence. Peaceful elections require not only effective security institutions but also responsible political leadership.The role of security agencies will be decisive. The Nigeria Police Force, Armed Forces, Department of State Services, Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps and other relevant institutions must work together to protect voters, electoral personnel and infrastructure before, during and after the elections. Their responsibilities should include intelligence gathering, threat assessment, crowd management and the protection of electoral facilities.
Professionalism, impartiality and respect for human rights will also be essential to maintaining public confidence in security operations. INEC must equally strengthen collaboration with security agencies and other stakeholders. Early risk assessments, contingency planning and sustained engagement with local communities can help reduce vulnerabilities in areas prone to violence.
Civil society organisations, religious leaders, traditional rulers, youth groups and the media also have important roles to play. Through voter education, peacebuilding, fact-checking and responsible reporting, these stakeholders can help counter misinformation and encourage peaceful participation.Technology presents both opportunities and challenges for election security. While digital innovations have improved aspects of voter accreditation and result management, social media platforms can also facilitate the rapid spread of misinformation and inflammatory content.
Unverified information circulating during elections can create panic and trigger unrest, particularly in communities already affected by insecurity. Government institutions, civil society organisations and technology companies should therefore promote digital literacy, fact-checking and responsible online engagement while respecting freedom of expression.
Whether Nigerians can vote safely in 2027 will ultimately depend on the willingness of all stakeholders to address insecurity proactively. Security agencies need adequate funding, training, equipment and intelligence capabilities to respond effectively to evolving threats.
Political leaders must prioritise national stability over partisan interests, while citizens should reject electoral violence and demand accountability from those seeking public office. Beyond election security, long-term investments in good governance, education, youth employment, poverty reduction and justice sector reforms are also necessary to address some of the structural conditions that contribute to insecurity.
Insecurity remains one of the major threats to Nigeria’s democratic future as the country approaches the 2027 general elections. However, the challenges are not insurmountable.Through coordinated security operations, credible electoral administration, responsible political conduct, active civic participation and sustained institutional reforms, Nigeria can create an environment where citizens are able to participate freely and safely in the democratic process.
The success of the 2027 elections should not be measured solely by the declaration of winners. It should also be judged by the extent to which eligible Nigerians can exercise their right to vote without fear. Ensuring electoral security is therefore not merely a security objective; it is a democratic imperative that will shape Nigeria’s political stability and democratic legitimacy for years to come.
Shemudara Blessing Morayo is a graduate of Veritas University, Bwari, Abuja, and is currently serving as a National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) member at the Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution (IPCR). She can be reached at [shemudarablessing2002@gmail.com](mailto:shemudarablessing2002@gmail.com).
Opinion
ACF: We’ve Northerners Who Are Igbos- Prof. Muh’d- Baba Reveals
…As forum recounts real reasons in crisis
…Alleges leadership control, administrative mistakes, others
By Kaduna Correspondent
As the raging disputes in the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF), the socio-cultural umbrella organization of northern Nigeria, has continue to deepened, allegations of leadership control tussle, administrative breaches, and mismanagement of about ₦4 billion endowment fund, amongst other reasons, have been enumerated.In this interview with our Kaduna State Correspondent, Gabriel Udeh, the National Publicity Secretary of the ACF, Prof. Tukur Muhammad-Baba, a retired professor of sociology, broke silence on the internal wrangling that recently led to the sealing of the Forum’s headquarters by police in kaduna.
Prof. Muhammad-Baba traced the crisis to attempts to usurp the powers of the National Executive Committee (NEC), disputes over tenure, and violation of the ACF constitution in the management of the Fund. He also spoke on the status of the suspended Board of Trustees Chairman, Alhaji Bashir Dalhatu, and the Forum’s position on insecurity in the North. Excerpts:
Q: Let’s know you fully and your position Sir?
A: Okay, I am Tukur Muhammad-Baba. I am a retired university lecturer. I am a scholar for life. That is, I am a professor of sociology. I was the former dean of the Faculty of Social and Management Sciences at the Federal University of Technology, Minna, among others, just before I retired. But basically, I am Tukur Muhammad-Baba. Currently, National Publicity Secretary of the Arewa Consultative Forum. I am a scholar by calling and a sociologist. Thank you so much.
Q: ACF is one of the most respected organizations in Nigeria. There are serious concerns about the recent crisis that went viral and led to police invasion. What are the real reasons ACF is neck deep in this crisis?
A: ACF is a foremost socio-cultural organization in the country. One reason it has retained credibility is because it is not ethnic-based, not religious-based. It’s political, but not partisan. We consult among various groups in the north to come up with a platform of common interest – roads, education, economic development. The north has over 300 ethnic groups. We are united by geography and sociology. For example, in Benue and in Kogi states, we have northerners who are Igbo. In Kwara state, we have northerners who are Yoruba. They are indigenous to the area. But like every modern organization, conflict is inevitable. It is how you handle disagreement that defines the organization. We’ve had personality differences over the years. If you ask me to summarize, the bone of contention is not so much ACF, it’s control of the ACF. Unprecedentedly, individuals emerged and want to control this organization in their own image. During the 25th anniversary, we launched an endowment fund for the first time because we realized there was too much political interference with governors’ contributions. The target was ₦100 billion. Pledges were about ₦7 billion, out of which a little less than ₦4 billion was generated.
Q: What exactly went wrong with the management of that fund?
A: The constitution is clear. There are five organs: Patrons, General Assembly, Board of Trustees, NEC, and NWC. NEC and NWC are the management. BoT is to advise and oversee. There has been a persistent attempt to usurp NEC’s powers by a functionary of BoT, in particular the then chairman, who assumed functions outside the constitution. The fund was moved out of Kaduna, against the constitution which says management must be at the head office. It was moved to a financial institution in Kano offering 8%. We had institutions offering 20% and 21%. By our calculation, we would have earned about ₦113 million in three months at 21%, but at 8% we earned just over ₦17 million. We also discovered part of the money was moved from one bank branch to another where an individual had a personal account, without EXCO approval, without the financial secretary or treasurer.
Q: There is also the issue of tenure of officers and leadership. What happened?
A: The constitution says the Secretary-General serves three years, renewable once. In 2023 there was a lacuna of 6-9 months with no NWC. The ex-Secretary-General continued. His letter of appointment for the second term said tenure begins from inauguration. But BoT said no, he had overstayed. Legal experts said the interim period cannot count. NEC was sidelined. We read in the papers that the SG was asked to go. Nobody wrote to NEC. The Leadership Selection Committee, which is ad hoc, had been in place for nine years. We told them they stood dissolved. They refused
.Q: The crisis led to the headquarters being sealed by police. How did that happen?
A: Disagreement over interpretation led some to invite police to seal the headquarters. It had never happened before. I told the media: when the police get bored of staying at the gate, they will leave. And within 10 days, they left. EXCO had to meet elsewhere. The chairman of BoT also intervened and said nobody should come to the meeting, but he has no power to do that under the constitution.
Q: What about Alhaji Bashir Dalhatu, the BoT Chairman? Is he still in office?
A: A petition was received that he was interfering in functions not his, moving money, and directing staff. The Code of Conduct Committee invited him. He refused to appear. The committee recommended suspension and forensic audit. EXCO endorsed it. Bashir Dalhatu was suspended as a member of ACF. By implication, he cannot be BoT Chairman because only a member can hold that position. The BoT should have appointed a new chairman. He has continued to act as if he is CEO. As of now, Bashir Dalhatu is not a member of ACF. He is a suspended member. Any action he takes as chairman is null and void.
Q: Some people are calling it fraud. Is it fraud or administrative mistake?
A: Fraud can only be established by proper investigation. It is under investigation. There is a forensic review going on. The Code of Conduct and Ethics Committee is still waiting to hear from those accused. What I can say now is there have been serious administrative lapses that violate the ACF Constitution. The money shouldn’t have been moved. The organization is losing money by keeping it at 8% instead of 20%. Whether there is fraud or not will be established after investigations.
Q: What is ACF’s position on the rising insecurity in the North?
A: Government seems more interested in politics than security. The most existential threat to Nigeria is insecurity: kidnapping, banditry, rape, inter-communal clashes. It’s not a question of capacity. Our armed forces are trained in the best military colleges worldwide. We think it’s a question of political will. Governors are chief security officers but have no control over police or military deployment. That’s a serious lacuna. We are also not in support of amnesty without accountability. You cannot have your sister raped and government surrenders your right to justice. We must decapitate these criminals and their enablers.
Q: Are there efforts to resolve the crisis?
A: Yes. Elders are intervening. Lawyers have submitted legal positions. We are hoping it will be resolved soon because the North needs to articulate its position within Nigeria. When we are united, ACF has been impactful. We reviewed the four tax bills and 80% of our recommendations were reflected. We galvanized opposition to military intervention in Niger Republic and to foreign military bases in Nigeria. Our position is simple:let everybody abide by the provisions of the constitution.
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