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Chinese Miners Are Not the Architects of Nigeria’s Banditry: A Response to Farooq A. Kperogi

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By Dr Austin Maho

A recent article published by Farooq A. Kperogi in his syndicated weekly column, titled “How Chinese Miners Fuel Nigeria’s Terrorist Banditry”, raises an urgent question: What is the nexus between illegal mining and  Nigeria’s security challenges?

It is a discussion Nigerians must have.  However, going through the article, it quickly narrows into a familiar pattern:  “Chinese miners fuel banditry”. The evidence cited does not support that causal leap. Worse, the framing obscures the real drivers of violence, ignores Chinese victims of the same crisis, and recycles a geopolitical cliche that paints Chinese investment as uniquely predatory. Nigerians deserve to know the truth, not create a foreign bogeyman to wish away a national crisis.

Blaming “Chinese miners” oversimplifies a complex crisis and risks xenophobic scapegoating of innocent foreigners.

1: Illegal mining is a symptom, not the disease. Banditry predates Chinese presence. Kperogi himself concedes that “illegal mining is not the sole driver of Nigeria’s insecurity.” That caveat should be the headline, not a footnote. Banditry in Zamfara exploded between 2011 and 2014, long before Chinese-linked companies became visible in the area. The 2019 Zamfara mining ban was imposed because bandit attacks were already rampant, not the other way around.

The roots are well documented: decades of state neglect, collapsed agricultural livelihoods, farmer-herder clashes exacerbated by climate stress, proliferation of small arms after Libya’s collapse, and the hollowing out of traditional conflict-resolution systems. In Niger State’s Shiroro LGA, communities were displaced by terrorists like Dogo Gide and ISWAP  before any foreign company showed up. Mining did not create the terror. Terror created ungoverned space, and all kinds of actors, local and foreign criminals, rushed into the vacuum.

To say Chinese miners “fuel” banditry reverses cause and effect. As Engr. Adamu Garba Musa asked: “If bandits are disturbing people, how come the company is working successfully?” The answer is grim but obvious: companies survive by paying what villagers cannot – protection levies, extortion, coercion, shakedown or their investments go up in flames. This is not sponsorship. Conflating the two criminalises victims of coercion.

2: Chinese nationals are victims, not masterminds, of kidnapping and banditry. If Chinese-linked firms were financing bandits, why are Chinese citizens routinely kidnapped by those same bandits? The record is public:

-June 2022:  Four Chinese workers abducted for ransom at a mining site in Shiroro, Niger State.

-January 2023: Two  Chinese nationals kidnapped in Ogun State. One police officer killed during the attack.

-October 2023:  Three  Chinese expatriates taken in Osun State; millions allegedly paid for release.

-March 2024:  A Chinese engineer abducted in Zamfara. Local police confirmed bandits demanded N100m.

August 2025: 2. Two  Chinese miners killed in Kaduna when bandits attacked their site.

These are not isolated. The Chinese Embassy in Abuja has repeatedly issued security alerts and, in February 2026, called allegations of terror financing “completely baseless” while reaffirming “zero tolerance”  policy toward its companies or citizens engaging in illegal mining abroad. It urged Chinese firms operating in Nigeria to strictly comply with Nigerian laws and regulations, and said the Chinese government supports legal enforcement by the Nigerian government against any individual or entity found violating those laws.

The statement also pushed back on narratives linking Chinese miners to banditry, noting that Chinese citizens have themselves been frequent victims of kidnapping and violent attacks at mining sites across Nigeria. The embassy called for objective, fact-based reporting rather than generalisations that stigmatise foreign investors. It reaffirmed China’s commitment to working with Nigerian authorities to promote lawful, orderly mining cooperation and to jointly safeguard security, adding that Beijing is willing to cooperate with Nigerian investigations and take action against any Chinese nationals proven to be involved in illegal activities.

No businessman kidnaps his own assets. The pattern is clear: Chinese firms, like Nigerian ones, operate in high-risk zones because minerals are there. They hire security, pay levies under duress, and sometimes lose staff. That makes them victims of state failure, not authors of it.

3: Narrowing it down to the  “Chinese”  label hides a Nigerian problem: elite complicity and regulatory failure. Every credible report Kperogi cites names the same prime mover: “politically connected Nigerians.” Dr. Maurice Ogbonnaya’s ISS work indicts  “politically connected Nigerians”. The ENACT brief blames “Nigerians in high positions of authority”. The WikkiTimes investigation references licenses held by  Nigerian companies, Eso Terra Investment Limited and Majelo Global Resources Limited.

In Nigeria’s mining sector, foreigners cannot hold titles directly. They partner with Nigerian license holders, who handle community relations, security, and politics. When WikkiTimes reports that “bandits were paid N3 million every week”, the question is: who negotiated that? Who knew the Dogo Gide faction’s account number?  The fixers, facilitators, and profit-sharers are Nigerian. Chinese are mainly hired hands in the mines to provide their technical expertise and financing. Yet the headline becomes “Chinese Miners.” This is how structural corruption is laundered into ethnic outsourcing. We fire the cook and keep the menu.

4: “80 illegal” does not equal “80% Chinese”. The NEITI/ANEEJ report cited by Reuters says 80% of mining in the Northwest is illegal. It does not say 80% is Chinese. Artisanal and small-scale mining in Nigeria employs 500,000+ Nigerians, per the Ministry of Solid Minerals. They dig without licenses, sell to middlemen, and pay local chiefs. Chinese buyers are part of a long chain that includes Lebanese, Indian, Nigerian, and Togolese traders. Singling out one nationality distorts the narrative and leads to ethnic profiling.

Moreover, the same ministry Kperogi credits for reform has licensed Chinese firms that do operate legally.  Examples abound: Segilola Gold in Osun, Ganfeng Lithium in Nasarawa, and others are publicly listed, pay taxes,  royalties, and publish ESG reports. In February 2026, the ministry announced 388 new mineral buying centres to formalise trade. Many Chinese buyers have registered. The government’s own data shows a move toward compliance, not a conspiracy.

5: The geopolitical context: Who benefits when “China” is the villain? Kperogi’s piece lands in a crowded media ecosystem where “China in Africa” is shorthand for exploitation. Western outlets have run dozens of stories on Chinese illegal mining in Ghana, Zimbabwe, and DRC. Some are factual; many are thinly sourced. The pattern is to frame China as a unitary actor – “China” mines, “China” bribes, “China” funds terror – while Western firms are “companies” and Nigerian elites are “collaborators.”

That framing has costs. In 2023, a viral rumor that “Chinese miners were arming bandits” triggered attacks on Chinese workers in Zamfara. In 2024, the House of Reps had to debunk claims that Chinese firms were importing weapons. Narrative has body counts. Nigeria should not be a proxy in great-power competition. Our security analysis must be evidence-led, not geopolitics-led. If a Canadian or Australian firm paid bandits to access a site, we would call it what it is: corporate criminality under duress. We would not indict Canada.

6: What a serious policy response looks like – without xenophobia. Kperogi ends with six proposals. Most are sound. But they will fail if built on a faulty diagnosis. Here’s a refined version:

-Map the entire value chain, not just the foreign face.  Publish beneficial owners, yes, including Nigerian PEPs. Name the local chiefs who collect surface rents, the DSS officers who escort minerals, and the customs agents who clear containers.

-Traceability must be nationality blind. Blockchain or paper, the standard should apply to every buyer: Chinese, Lebanese, Nigerian. The 388 buying centres are a start. Expand them.

-Prosecute the extorted and the extorter differently. A company that reports bandit levies to the NSA should be treated as a witness, not a sponsor. Create a safe harbour for firms that disclose payments under duress. That dries up terror financing faster than arrests.

-Secure mines the way we secure oil facilities. The reason bandits don’t tax oil fields is the Joint Task Force. The Mining Marshals arresting 350+ people is progress. Scale it, and embed military cover for legal sites.

-Diplomacy, not demagoguery.  China has leverage over its nationals. In 2024, Beijing blacklisted 3 firms caught in Ghana’s galamsey. Nigeria should give the Chinese Embassy a docket of allegations and demand action. Public shaming without due process just drives illegality underground.

-Fix the livelihood crisis.  Banditry pays because farming doesn’t. No amount of mining reform will work if 70% of Zamfara youth are jobless. Formalize artisanal miners into cooperatives, as Alake suggests. Give them equipment, not just arrests.

Nigeria’s minerals should be a blessing. Today they are a curse. But the curse is not Mandarin. It is impunity. It is the governor who takes a cut, the general who sells a license, the chief who rents his forest, and the bandit who taxes everyone.

Chinese firms that break the law should face the law. So should Nigerian firms. So should the officials who enable them. But to suggest that “Chinese miners fuel banditry” is to substitute a slogan for a strategy. It tells villagers in Shiroro that their enemy is a foreigner, not the governance void that left them defenceless.

Many Chinese nationals have been kidnapped, killed, and extorted in this crisis. They want what Nigerians want: roads without ambushes, sites without levies, contracts without bribes. An enabling environment for legal business is not a Chinese demand. It is a Nigerian right.

We should listen to Prof. Tade Aina and dig deeper. But let’s dig for the truth, not for a scapegoat. Banditry will end when the Nigerian state returns,  with laws, with force, and with legitimacy. No embassy, East or West, can do that for us.

Dr Austin Maho is  a member of the Nigerian Guild of Editors (NGE) and publisher of Daybreak Nigeria

Opinion

GGI White Paper: A New Voice for the Global South and a Pathway to Shared Development

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By Michael Onjewu

The release of the white paper titled “More Just and Equitable Global Governance: China’s Principles, Proposals and Actions” by China’s State Council Information Office on June 17, 2026, marks an important contribution to contemporary debates on the future of international relations and global governance.

At a time when the world faces geopolitical tensions, widening development gaps, protectionism, climate challenges, technological disruptions, and growing distrust in multilateral institutions, the document offers a comprehensive vision for reforming global governance in a manner that is more representative, inclusive, and development-oriented.

For developing countries and the broader Global South, the white paper carries particular significance. It not only identifies structural inequalities within the existing global governance architecture but also proposes practical pathways for ensuring that developing nations become active participants rather than passive observers in shaping the future international order.

The white paper presents the Global Governance Initiative (GGI), proposed by Chinese President Xi Jinping, as a framework for building a more just and equitable international system. It argues that the world is experiencing profound changes characterized by growing conflicts, economic fragmentation, climate pressures, technological inequalities, and governance deficits.

At its core, the initiative is built around five principles: Sovereign Equality, International Rule of Law, Multilateralism, A People-Centered Approach and Real Actions. These principles reflect a belief that global governance should not be dominated by a handful of powerful nations but should instead be based on consultation, joint contribution, and shared benefits. The white paper emphasizes that all countries, regardless of size, wealth, or military strength, deserve equal participation in international affairs.

Perhaps the most significant aspect of the document is its recognition that the current global governance system suffers from representation deficits. Developing countries remain underrepresented in major global institutions, while many critical decisions affecting billions of people are still made without adequate Global South participation. The white paper therefore advocates reforms that would amplify the voices of emerging economies and developing nations in institutions such as the United Nations, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and other multilateral bodies.

The document arrives at a time when calls for reform are becoming louder across Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Pacific. For many nations of the Global South, the white paper represents an acknowledgment of long-standing grievances and a proposal for correcting historical imbalances in international governance.

Why the Global South Matters More Than Ever

One of the strongest arguments contained in the white paper is that the rise of the Global South has fundamentally transformed the international landscape.

Today, the Global South accounts for more than 60 percent of the global economy in purchasing power parity terms and contributes approximately 80 percent of global economic growth. The world’s economic future increasingly depends on developing countries. Yet global institutions have not evolved at the same pace.

The white paper correctly notes that monopolization of international affairs by a small group of countries is no longer sustainable. As emerging economies become major contributors to global growth, they naturally demand a greater role in setting international rules, standards, and priorities.

For Africa in particular, this presents a historic opportunity. Home to the world’s youngest population and vast untapped economic potential, the continent seeks not charity but partnership, investment, technology transfer, and fair representation. The most immediate implication of the GGI for developing countries is the promise of a more inclusive international system.

First, the initiative supports greater representation for developing nations in global decision-making. China’s support for the African Union’s admission as a permanent member of the G20 in 2023 demonstrated this commitment in practice. By securing a seat at one of the world’s most influential economic forums, Africa gained a stronger platform to shape discussions on debt sustainability, climate finance, global trade, and development priorities.

Second, the initiative places development at the center of global governance. Rather than treating development as a secondary issue, the GGI recognizes it as the foundation of peace, stability, and prosperity. This approach resonates strongly with African countries, where infrastructure deficits, energy shortages, food insecurity, and unemployment remain pressing concerns.

Third, the initiative seeks to bridge the digital divide and ensure that developing countries participate in shaping rules governing emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence, cyberspace governance, and green innovation. This is particularly important as the Fourth Industrial Revolution reshapes economies and societies across the world. Without inclusive governance mechanisms, developing nations risk being left behind.

Fourth, the GGI advocates reform of international financial institutions and supports efforts to address historical injustices suffered by Africa. China’s position that African demands should receive priority attention in discussions on UN Security Council reform reflects growing recognition that global governance must better reflect contemporary realities.

From Vision to Action: The Importance of the Fifth Principle

Among the five pillars of the Global Governance Initiative, the principle of “Real Actions” deserves special attention.

In many international forums, ambitious declarations often fail to translate into meaningful results. The GGI seeks to overcome this challenge by emphasizing measurable outcomes and practical cooperation. The initiative promotes a problem-solving approach focused on addressing the concrete needs of developing countries rather than merely issuing statements.

For Africa, this principle is particularly relevant because development cannot be achieved through rhetoric alone. Roads, railways, ports, power plants, schools, hospitals, and digital infrastructure require investment, expertise, and long-term commitment. The emphasis on tangible outcomes, therefore, represents a shift from promises to implementation.

Tangible Outcomes of China-Africa Cooperation

The significance of the white paper becomes even clearer when viewed through the lens of China-Africa cooperation.

The China-Africa partnership, which traces its roots to the Bandung Conference of 1955, has evolved into one of the most extensive examples of South-South cooperation in modern history. Institutionalized through the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) since 2000, the partnership has increasingly focused on practical development outcomes.

At the 2024 FOCAC Summit in Beijing, China pledged $60 billion in financing support for Africa, including $15 billion in grants and interest-free loans aimed at infrastructure, agriculture, industrialization, digital transformation, and green development.

Across the continent, Chinese-supported projects have transformed connectivity and economic integration. Infrastructure investments have contributed to the construction of more than 10,000 kilometers of railways and approximately 100,000 kilometers of highways, facilitating trade and regional integration.

In Nigeria, Chinese financing and technical support have contributed to the construction of the Abuja–Kaduna and Lagos–Ibadan railway lines, as well as the development of the Lekki Deep Sea Port, which is strengthening the country’s logistics and trade capacity. Beyond Nigeria, China has supported the revitalization of the Tanzania–Zambia Railway (TAZARA), financed the development of the Bagamoyo Port in Tanzania, and provided funding for the Chad–Sudan Railway to enhance regional connectivity. In East Africa, the Mombasa–Nairobi Standard Gauge Railway in Kenya has significantly improved transportation efficiency, while Ethiopia’s Addis–Djibouti Railway has become a critical trade corridor linking the landlocked country to international markets through the Port of Djibouti.

Human capital development has also been a major component of cooperation. More than 120,000 Africans have benefited from vocational training and capacity-building initiatives, including the establishment of Luban Workshops that provide technical education and skills training aligned with industrial development needs.

China has likewise become a consistent advocate for Africa on the global stage, supporting greater African participation in international institutions and promoting reforms that enhance the continent’s voice in global affairs.

Zero-Tariff Access: A Game Changer for African Exports

Among the most consequential recent measures highlighted in the broader framework of China-Africa cooperation is China’s decision to implement comprehensive zero-tariff treatment for African countries that maintain diplomatic relations with Beijing. This initiative carries profound implications for African economies, including Nigeria.

By eliminating tariffs, China has effectively lowered barriers for African products entering one of the world’s largest consumer markets. African exports such as sesame, ginger, cashew nuts, cocoa, agricultural products, and processed goods can now access the Chinese market more competitively, provided they meet quality and regulatory standards.

The policy creates incentives for producers to improve quality standards, enhance value addition, strengthen branding, and move up global value chains.

Furthermore, predictable access to the Chinese market can attract domestic and foreign investment into agriculture, food processing, mineral beneficiation, logistics, and manufacturing. Such investments can stimulate industrialization, generate employment, increase export earnings, and contribute to poverty reduction.

For Nigeria and other African countries seeking to diversify their economies away from excessive dependence on raw commodity exports, the zero-tariff initiative offers a strategic opportunity.

A Shared Future for Development

The Global Governance Initiative White Paper arrives at a critical moment in international affairs. It recognizes that global challenges require collective solutions and that sustainable progress cannot be achieved if the voices of the majority of humanity remain marginalized.

For developing countries and the Global South, the document offers both a critique of existing inequalities and a roadmap for reform. More importantly, it is accompanied by examples of practical cooperation, particularly in Africa, where investments, infrastructure projects, capacity-building programs, and market access initiatives demonstrate how governance principles can be translated into tangible development outcomes.

Whether one views the initiative through the lens of diplomacy, development, economics, or international relations, its central message is clear: the future of global governance must be more representative, more equitable, and more action-oriented.

For Africa, and for countries such as Nigeria, the challenge now is to seize the opportunities presented by this evolving landscape; leveraging partnerships, expanding trade, strengthening institutions, and ensuring that the continent’s growing voice contributes meaningfully to the construction of a fairer international order.

In a world increasingly defined by interdependence, the success of global governance will ultimately be measured not by declarations made in conference halls, but by the extent to which ordinary people experience improved livelihoods, greater opportunities, and a more just share of global prosperity.

Michael Onjewu is a journalist based in Abuja

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Incrementalism in China’s Global Governance Proposals: A Philosophical Legacy from Confucius to Xi

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By Prof Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim

The social science as the theoretical and practical foundation of human epistemological pursuit, provides a life-blood for running a functional system and resuscitates a moribund one. It provides blue-prints for governance systems, diplomacy, foreign policy posture and socio-economic frameworks for human society to thrive. In policy formulation and philisophical inheritance, incrementalism suggests a gradual improvement from the previous structure to a new model in impact, sophistication and outreach.

The white paper released by China’s State Council Information Office on the 17th of June, 2026, titled “More Just and Equitable Global Governance: China’s Principles, Proposals and Actions,” is an incremental framework emanated from the recently inunciated Global Governance Initiative (GGI) by President Xi, from other Initiatives such as the Global Development Initiative, Global Security Initiative, and Global Civilization Initiative.

The white paper contains China’s principles, proposals and actions on global governance, to foster broader consensus within the international community, ensure more effective responses to global challenges, and build a more just and equitable global governance system. This comes at a time when the global governance system is increasingly becoming feeble, with polarization, divisions and conflicts and international terrorism. The economic recovery of some nations still uncertain or rather slowly since the era of COVID-19. China being an advocate, builder and contributor to a new Global Governance structure, which it has always been, is proposing new principles, proposals and actions on the Global Governance system.

The mastery of philosophy is what makes leaders great and gives them the disposition to govern effectively. The notion of Philospher-King translates into platocracy and societal selection of men of wisdom to steer the affairs of the state, produces harmony and political stability. President Xi has followed Confucius teachings closely, learnt the etiquettes of his teachings and got philosophically assimilated into the class of Confucian intellectuals. From the veritable tenets of Confucian Global Governance, the following principles have been adopted in modern China by President Xi Jinping in fulfilling the legacies of the founding fathers of China and the teachings of Confucius as a guide to responsive and inclusive governance.

  • Governance by Virtue (De): A global leader or institution must govern through moral attraction rather than hard power or hegemony, much like the North Star remaining in place while other stars surround it.
  • Harmony in Diversity (He er bu tong): Nations should seek common ground and shared objectives while respecting cultural and political differences.
  • Rooted Cosmopolitanism: Confucius believed in universal ideals (such as peace and fairness), but argued they should be applied progressively—starting locally and expanding outward to the international community.
  • Benevolence (Ren) Over Economic Rationality: Global stability requires balancing strict economic interests with ethical responsibility, encouraging major powers to support less developed

President Xi Jinping has been an advocate of universal human values, a world of shared prosperity and peaceful co-existence among others. The vision of building a community with a shared future for humanity, through multilateralism, equal sovereignty and inclusivity. The white paper reveals China’s commitment  to foster an equal and orderly multipolar world and a universally beneficial and inclusive economic globalization.

Global Governance, according to the white paper proposes “greater democracy” in international relations where every state has a voice and “bolsters international confidence in practicing multilateralism.” The white paper is a “roadmap” for improving governance, valuable stability, and positive energy to a turbulent world.

China proposed a principle of building a more just and equitable global governance system and designate the significance of upholding the UN’s authority and status as fundamental to the effective implementation of this initiative.

The sense of action as proposed by China is tasking major countries bearing a sense of responsibility, and all nations to unite and cooperate to address deficits in peace and development. All countries should firmly uphold the international system with the UN at its core, safeguard the international order based on international law, and uphold the basic norms governing international relations underpinned by the purposes and principles of the UN Charter, instead of reinventing new framework.

The white paper contains five major components, which include (1) The World Today Faces Severe and Complex Challenges” (2) “The Global Governance Initiative Responds to Challenges of Our Times” (3) “China’s Contribution to Promoting Global Governance” (4) “Guiding the Direction of Change Towards a Bright Future”, and (5) “Moving Forward Hand in Hand at a Critical Juncture in History”.

In conclusion, the white paper strengthens developing nations especially African countries through the call for major countries to bear a sense of responsibility to address developmenal deficits in third world nations. It amplifies strict adherence to the rule-based international order with the United Nations at the core. The white paper supports developing nations by its call on multilateralism, respect to equal sovereignty and international law. China has become a voice to the voiceless, a guardian of developing nations, a shoulder to lean on, and a bossom upon which partners recumbence.

Prof Ghali is the Provost Anti-Corruption Academy of Nigeria, and Head of Contemporary China-Africa Research

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A Tale of Two Kidnappings: Nigeria’s Deepening Security Divide

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By Tony Ogunlowo

Two high-profile kidnapping cases in recent weeks have once again drawn national attention to Nigeria’s worsening insecurity and the uneven response to victims across social classes.

One case involved more than 45 pupils and teachers abducted from a school in Oyo State, while another involved the relatives of a former minister. The minister’s sister and her two sons were reportedly rescued in a highly publicised security operation, while the fate of the abducted schoolchildren remains unclear.

Reports indicate that at least two teachers were killed during the incident. Nigeria continues to battle widespread kidnapping. According to security observers, thousands of cases are reported annually, with many others going unreported due to fear and distrust of the system. Families are often left to negotiate directly with abductors amid limited police capacity.

The 2014 Chibok abduction, in which 276 schoolgirls were kidnapped, remains a painful reference point, as not all victims have been rescued years later.The article argues that the contrasting outcomes of recent rescue efforts reflect a broader perception of inequality in security response, with claims that high-profile victims may receive faster intervention than ordinary citizens.

Successive governments have repeatedly pledged to adopt tougher measures against kidnapping and banditry. However, insecurity persists, with critics questioning the effectiveness of current strategies, including forest security initiatives and intelligence operations. Concerns have also been raised about limited surveillance capacity, delayed response times, and the need for improved coordination among security agencies.

The piece concludes that addressing insecurity requires long-term solutions focused not only on enforcement but also on tackling underlying socio-economic challenges such as poverty and unemployment, which continue to drive criminal activity.

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